Can Facebook Become The Biggest Company In The World?

I have never seen a sell-side analyst make a recommendation on a stock through a video like this. Is this the future of sell-side research? It feels a bit too polished for my tastes. I kept on waiting for some disclosure saying that they got paid to do this, but it never came.

That being said, I think the message is great. Neil Campling of Aviate Global LLP asks a simple question: Can Facebook become the biggest company in the world? It’s entirely possible that Facebook has crossed this critical threshold where the network effects within Facebook are so great that no other social networking site can flourish in the foreseeable future.

I mean, just take a look at Google+. One of the biggest and most successful internet companies has pretty blatantly been pushing its social network for almost a year now, and it still sucks. This is based on my non-scientific anecdotal interactions with Google+. Can anyone else do better?

Interested readers can also view a thirty minute presentation that Facebook has been showing at its roadshow presentations in preparation of its IPO here.

Krugman: Baby-Sitting The Economy

Nobel-prize winning economist Paul Krugman recently did an IAmA on Reddit. One user asked Krugman why a growth oriented approach led by monetary and fiscal stimulus to solving our economic and fiscal problems is the correct approach (as opposed to austerity).

The user also requested that Krugman explain like the user was five years old. In response, Krugman mentioned an article he wrote in 1998 which uses a baby-sitting co-op as a representation of a nation’s economy. The article is worth reading:

The Sweeneys tell the story of–you guessed it–a baby-sitting co-op, one to which they belonged in the early 1970s. Such co-ops are quite common: A group of people (in this case about 150 young couples with congressional connections) agrees to baby-sit for one another, obviating the need for cash payments to adolescents. It’s a mutually beneficial arrangement: A couple that already has children around may find that watching another couple’s kids for an evening is not that much of an additional burden, certainly compared with the benefit of receiving the same service some other evening. But there must be a system for making sure each couple does its fair share.

The Capitol Hill co-op adopted one fairly natural solution. It issued scrip–pieces of paper equivalent to one hour of baby-sitting time. Baby sitters would receive the appropriate number of coupons directly from the baby sittees. This made the system self-enforcing: Over time, each couple would automatically do as much baby-sitting as it received in return. As long as the people were reliable–and these young professionals certainly were–what could go wrong?

Well, it turned out that there was a small technical problem. Think about the coupon holdings of a typical couple. During periods when it had few occasions to go out, a couple would probably try to build up a reserve–then run that reserve down when the occasions arose. There would be an averaging out of these demands. One couple would be going out when another was staying at home. But since many couples would be holding reserves of coupons at any given time, the co-op needed to have a fairly large amount of scrip in circulation.

Now what happened in the Sweeneys’ co-op was that, for complicated reasons involving the collection and use of dues (paid in scrip), the number of coupons in circulation became quite low. As a result, most couples were anxious to add to their reserves by baby-sitting, reluctant to run them down by going out. But one couple’s decision to go out was another’s chance to baby-sit; so it became difficult to earn coupons. Knowing this, couples became even more reluctant to use their reserves except on special occasions, reducing baby-sitting opportunities still further.

In short, the co-op had fallen into a recession.

Since most of the co-op’s members were lawyers, it was difficult to convince them the problem was monetary. They tried to legislate recovery–passing a rule requiring each couple to go out at least twice a month. But eventually the economists prevailed. More coupons were issued, couples became more willing to go out, opportunities to baby-sit multiplied, and everyone was happy. Eventually, of course, the co-op issued too much scrip, leading to different problems …

If you think this is a silly story, a waste of your time, shame on you. What the Capitol Hill Baby-Sitting Co-op experienced was a real recession. Its story tells you more about what economic slumps are and why they happen than you will get from reading 500 pages of William Greider and a year’s worth of Wall Street Journal editorials. And if you are willing to really wrap your mind around the co-op’s story, to play with it and draw out its implications, it will change the way you think about the world.

Continue reading here. And read Krugman’s IAmA here.

 

The Lure Of Active Management

CFA Program Curriculum, Level II, Derivatives and Portfolio Management:

Consider the results of the following two different investment strategies:

  1. An investor who put $1,000 in 30-day commercial paper on January 1, 1927, and rolled over all proceeds into 30-day paper (or into 30-day T-bills after they were introduced) would have ended on December 31, 1978, fifty-two years later, with $3,600.
  2. An investor who put $1,000 in the NYSE index on January 1, 1927, and reinvested all dividends in that portfolio would have ended on December 31, 1978, with $67,500.

Suppose we defined perfect market timing as the ability to tell (with certainty) at the beginning of each month whether the NYSE portfolio will outperform the 30-day paper portfolio. Accordingly, at the beginning of each month, the market timer shifts all funds into either cash equivalents (30-day paper) or equities (the NYSE portfolio), whichever is predicted to do better. Beginning with $1,000 on the same date, how would the perfect timer have ended up 52 years later?

This is how Nobel Laureate Robert Merton began a seminar with finance professors 25 years ago. As he collected responses, the boldest guess was a few million dollars. The correct answer: $5.36 billion.

 

Burger King’s Upcoming IPO

Burger King is returning to the public markets. The following presentation makes a compelling case for a Burger King turnaround. Also provides valuable insight on the metrics and fundamental analysis that private equity firms care about.

Justice is Best Served Flame Broiled

The original document can be found here.

Panic Headline Investing

Whitney Tilson of T2 Partners talks about “panic headline investing”. He talks at length of two trades that have worked out great for him: BP and NFLX. He also says these kind of opportunities come around at least several times a month.

Diversification Is Broken

Two heat maps from a HSBC study on risk-on risk-off (“RORO”). The first heat map shows the correlation of several assets before the financial crisis. The second heat map shows the correlation of the same assets after the financial crisis.

Red indicates a correlation closer to 1.0 and blue indicates a correlation closer to -1.0. Pre-financial crisis, we see what we would expect in a normal functioning market: high levels of correlation among United States equity indices, high levels of correlation among European equity indices, and high levels of correlation among fixed income securities. And we see little correlation between these groups (like equities vs. commodities and equities vs. fixed income). Each asset class has a perfect correlation with itself which explains the diagnol line from the upper left to lower right.

After the financial crisis, we are seeing an explosion of correlation. It seems like everything is moving together. The exception is strong negative correlation among equities and fixed income due to the decline in interest rates.

All of this means that traditional measures of diversification are more difficult to achieve. I personally have played around with TZA, a 3x inverse ETF benchmarked to the Rusell 2000 to achieve some guaranteed level of downside protection. This has worked out well for me so far in reducing the volatility in my portfolio.

Some more discussion at FT Alphaville here.

There Will Always Be Asset Bubbles

Sometimes I feel like I have already missed all the great investment opportunities but careful analysis of history suggests otherwise. Peter Theil, co-founder of Paypal, provides us with a brief history of the 1990s where we witnessed several asset bubbles bursting: the East Asian financial crisis, the Russian ruble crisis, the Long-Term Capital Management crisis, and the eventual tech bubble. Prudent investors can make money during the formation of an asset bubble (by going long) and when the bubble bursts (by going short). Add to this the numerous other asset bubbles we’ve seen since the tech bubble (primarily real-estate related) and it is easy to convince yourself that there should be no shortage of great investment opportunities in the future.

Peter Theil on a brief history of the 1990s:

Most of the 1990s was not the dot com bubble. Really, what might be called the mania started in September 1998 and lasted just 18 months. The rest of the decade was a messier, somewhat chaotic picture.

The 1990s could be said to have started in November of ’89. The Berlin Wall came down. 2 months of pretty big euphoria followed. But it didn’t last long. By early 1990, the U.S. found itself in a recession—the first one in post WWII history that was long and drawn out. Though it wasn’t a terribly deep recession—it technically ended in March of ’91—recovery was relatively slow. Manufacturing never fully rebounded. And even the shift to the service economy was protracted.

So from 1992 through the end of 1994, it still felt like the U.S. was mired in recession. Culturally, Nirvana, grunge, and heroin reflected increasingly acute senses of hopelessness and lack of faith in progress. Worry about NAFTA and U.S. competitiveness vis-à-vis China and Mexico became near ubiquitous. The strong pessimistic undercurrent fueled Ross Perot’s relatively successful third party presidential candidacy. George H.W. Bush became the only 1-term President in the last thirty years. Things didn’t seem to be going right at all.

To be sure, technological development was going on in Silicon Valley. But it wasn’t that prominent. Unlike today, the Stanford campus in the late 1980s felt quite disconnected with whatever tech was happening in the valley. At that time, Japan seemed to be winning the war on the semiconductor. The Internet had yet to take off. Focusing on tech was idiosyncratic. The industry felt small.

The Internet would change all that. Netscape, with its server-client model, is probably the company most responsible for starting the Internet. It was not the first group to think of a 2-way communications network between all computers; that honor goes to Xanadu, who developed that model in 1963. Xanadu’s problem was that you needed everyone to adopt it at once for the network to work. They didn’t, so it didn’t. But it became a strange cult-like entity; despite never making any money, it kept attracting venture funding for something like 29 years, finally dying in 1992 when investors became irreversibly jaded.

So Netscape comes along in ’93 and things start to take off. It was Netscape’s IPO in August of 1995—over halfway through the decade!—that really made the larger public aware of the Internet. It was an unusual IPO because Netscape wasn’t profitable at the time. They priced it at $14/share. Then they doubled it. On the first day of trading the share price doubled again. Within 5 months, Netscape stock was trading at $160/share—completely unprecedented growth for a non-profitable company.

The Netscape arc was reminiscent of Greek tragedy: a visionary founder, great vision, hubris, and an epic fall. An instance of Netscape’s hubris had them traveling to the Redmond campus, triumphantly plastering Netscape posters everywhere. They poked the dragon in the eye; Bill Gates promptly ordered everyone at Microsoft to drop what they were doing and start working on the Internet. IE came out shortly after that and Netscape began rapidly losing market share. Netscape’s saving grace was its legally valuable antitrust claims—probably the only reason that a company that never really made money was able to sell to AOL for over a billion dollars.

The first three years after Netscape’s IPO were relatively quiet; by late 1998, the NASDAQ was at about 1400—just 400 points higher than it was in August ’95. Yahoo went public in ’96 at a $350M valuation, and Amazon followed in ’97 at a $460M valuation. Skepticism abounded. People kept looking at earnings and revenues multiples and saying that these companies couldn’t be that valuable, that they could never succeed.

This pessimism was probably appropriate, but misplaced. Things weren’t going particularly well in the rest of the world. Alan Greenspan delivered his famous irrational exuberance speech was 1996—a full 3 years before the bubble actually hit and things got really crazy. But even if there was irrational exuberance in 1996, the U.S. was hardly in a position to do anything about it. 1997 saw the eruption of the East Asian financial crises in which some combination of crony capitalism and massive debt brought the Thai, Indonesian, South Korean, and Taiwanese (to name just a few) economies to their knees. China managed to avoid the brunt of the damage with tight capital controls. But then in 1998, the Ruble crisis hit Russia. These were unique animals in that usually, either banks go bust or your currency goes worthless. Here, we saw both. So your money was worthless, and the banks had none of it. Zero times zero is zero.

On the heels of the Russian crisis came the Long-Term Capital Management crisis; LCTM traded with enormous leverage (“picking up nickels in front of a bulldozer”), ultimately blew up, and but for a multibillion dollar bailout from the Fed, seemed poised to take down the entire U.S. economy with it. Things in Europe weren’t all that much better. The Euro launched in January 1999, but optimism about it was the exception, strong skepticism the norm. It proceeded to lose value immediately.

One way to think about the tech mania from March 1998 to September 2000, then, comes from this insight that pretty much everything else was going insanely wrong before that time. The technology bubble was an indirect proof; the old economy was proven not to work, as we could no longer compete with Mexico or China. Emerging markets were proven failures, rife with cronyism and mismanagement. Europe offered little hope. And no one wanted to invest with leverage after the LTCM disaster. So, by the late ‘90s, a process of elimination left only one good place to put money: in tech.

Continue reading here.

What have we learned in the last five years that should be imparted upon future generations of economists?

Throw Out the Probability Models by Nassim Taleb

After the events that started in 2007 and the subsequent reactions by economists, anyone who takes the current economics establishment seriously needs to spend time in a sanatorium.

This does not mean we should write off the entire body of knowledge. By now, we can see what works and what does not work. Simply, a certain class of consequential rare events, what I’ve called “black swans,” are not predictable and their probabilities unmeasurable, so anything that relies on a computation of the probability of these events should go out of the window. Now. Such models induce fragilities and bring harm. We’re better off with no model than with a defective model, something people understand intuitively, but they tend to forget when they don’t have “skin in the game.” If you are a passenger on a plane and the pilot tells you he has a faulty map, you get off the plane; you don’t stay and say “well, there is nothing better.” But in economics, particularly finance, they keep teaching these models on grounds that “there is nothing better,” causing harmful risk-taking. Why? Because the professors don’t bear the harm of the models.

The good news is that those models that miss rare events also break down when one introduces a higher layer of uncertainty into them, called “parameter uncertainty”. This gives us a fault detection mechanism. What goes out of the window? The entire discipline of modern finance and portfolio theory (the theories named after Harry Markowitz, William Sharpe, Merton Miller), the model-based methods of Paul Samuelson, much of time series econometrics (which don’t appear to predict anything), along with papers and theories that are based on “optimization.” These bring fragility into the system. So, simply, we would have great jumps in knowledge if we avoided teaching these models, and replaced them with anything, even gardening classes.

But the broad principles of economics survive such expurgation. We should just ignore much of what has happened in the past half-century of trying to be too sophisticated with quantitative and probability-based models, ending up in dangerous pseudo-science.

Continue reading what other debaters have to say at the New York Times.

Do Newspapers Matter?

The study of economics has always had a strong preference for theory rather than experimentation. New theories that gain wide acceptable are internally consistent with other theories, even if empirical evidence shows otherwise. Contrast this with the study of psychology, where experiments under laboratory conditions are widespread. Economics, on the other hand, often deal with social issues of such scale that experimentation is impossible — it is often not feasible to change one element of a highly complex system and observe the results.

Every once in a while a natural experiment presents itself, however. Sam Schulhofer-Wohl and Miguel Garrido of Princeton University study the impact of the closing of a newspaper on the level of civil and political engagement among readers in a working paper titled, “Do Newspapers Matter?”. Often times, a newspaper closes due to declines in readership, but in this case, the closing of the newspaper was contractually agreed upon thirty years in the past.This allows the researchers to examine the impact of the closing of the newspaper without the impact of other factors that normally accompany the closing of a newspaper. In other words, it’s a natural experiment — something that normally would only be possible in a laboratory setting happens to manifest itself in real life.

Schulhofer-Wohl and Garrido state that “a century ago, 689 cities in the United States had competing daily newspapers; at the start of this year, only about 15 did.” One might say that these newspapers have been replaced by something better (the Internet), but Schulhofer-Wohl and Garrido make a compelling argument that the closing of newspapers have a significant negative effect on the level of civic engagement and political awareness of readers:

The logo of the E.W. Scripps Co., printed on the front page of all its newspapers, is a lighthouse. This paper describes what happened when one of Scripps’ lights went out. The Cincinnati Post was a relatively small newspaper, with circulation of only 27,000 when it closed. Nonetheless, its absence appears to have made local elections less competitive along several dimensions: incumbent advantage, voter turnout, campaign spending and the number of candidates for office. We caution that although our preferred point estimates tell a compelling story, the results are statistically imprecise and sometimes sensitive to the treatment of very small municipalities. Further, our results cover only the Kentucky suburbs, because Ohio has not held regular municipal elections since the Post closed, and represent only the short-run consequences of the paper’s closing. Future research could investigate whether political engagement and competition return to their pre-closure level in the long run.

Several other well-known newspapers have closed since the Post (the largest being Scripps’ Rocky Mountain News , circulation 210,000, just this February) and more are in danger. Observers are energetically debating whether these closings matter: Do newspapers play a valuable, irreplaceable role in American democracy? Starr (2009) argues that the newspaper industry’s decline raises practical questions for anyone concerned about the future of American democracy.” On the other hand, after the Rocky closed, U.S. Rep. Jared Polis, Democrat of Colorado, said the paper’s demise was mostly for the better” (Crummy, 2009). Whether our results support Starr’s view or Polis’ depends on how one values competitive elections. But if voter turnout, a broad choice of candidates and accountability for incumbents are important to democracy, we side with those who lament newspapers’ decline.

 

Read the full paper here.

Warren Buffet’s $50 Billion Decision

Warren Buffet on turning down Benjamin Graham’s offer to replace him:

This was a traumatic decision. Here was my chance to step into the shoes of my hero—I even named my first son Howard Graham Buffett. (Howard was for my father.) But I also wanted to come back to Omaha. I probably went to work for a month thinking every morning that I would tell Mr. Graham I was going to leave. But it was hard to do.

The thing is, when I got out of college, I had $9,800, but by the end of 1955, I was up to $127,000. I thought, I’ll go back to Omaha, take some college classes, and read a lot—I was going to retire! I figured we could live on $12,000 a year, and off my $127,000 asset base, I could easily make that. I told my wife, “Compound interest guarantees I’m going to get rich.”

Continue reading here.